The first National Consultative Conference of the ANC was held at Morogoro, Tanzania, from 25 April to 1 May The conference has become known as the. A thread that runs all the way back to the ANC’s watershed consultative conference held in April in Morogoro in Tanzania darts through. of the Second National Consultative Conference of the African National Congress – Zambia. the post-Morogoro Conference period up to the present stage of our struggle. .. At this stage the Resolutions Committee presented its report. 2.

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Designed and maintained by Flow Communications. After this item of fraternal messages, a report of the National Preparatory Committee was given. To say this is not just to invoke tradition. During the second stage of the elections, the delegates will elect the rest of the NEC members.

It is obvious therefore that policy and organisational resoljtions must grow out of the real situation if they are not to become meaningless cliches. National Anthem and delegates dispersed. The opening steps in – organised sabotage mainly in the urban areas – served a special purpose and was never advanced as a technique which would, on its own, either lead to the destruction of the state or even do it great material damage although guerrilla activity in the urban areas of a special type resolutionw always important as an auxiliary.

At the very end of the Conference deliberations a new National Executive Committee was elected by Conference.

The availability of this sort of terrain is, of course, of tremendous advantage to the guerrillas especially in the early non-operational phase training and other preparatory steps are undertaken and no-external bases are available morogooro this purpose. Detailed study required on demographic patterns of strategic rural areas and white farming areas. Memory is still fresh of the outstanding response by the Coloured workers resplutions the Western Cape to the call by the ANC for a national general political strike.

One of the vital problems connected with this bears on the important question of the relationship between the political and military. On the Bantustans, one comrade criticised the report in that it seemed to suggest that Bantustans were synonymous with rural areas, whereas in a number of instances urban areas are included within the borders of Bantustans.


The sabotage campaign was an earnest indication of our seriousness in the pursuit of this new strategy. The full texts of these statements will accompany this report. When we talk of revolutionary armed struggle, we are talking of political struggle by means which include the use of military force even though once force as a tactic is introduced it has the most far-reaching consequences on every aspect of our activities.

The Morogoro conference and the SACP – News – Sibusiso Buthelezi

There can be no second class participants in our Movement. The report pointed out that the Commission felt that the draft document placed before it required more thorough discussion throughout the ranks of our Movement at rseolutions, branch and regional level and that the incoming NEC be charged with the responsibility for setting up a sub-committee to attend to this task. For the first years there were regular armed clashes, battles and wars.

Legal opposition was rendered ineffective by bannings, exiles and the imprisonment of activists and leaders to long terms for the most rfsolutions infringements.

Strategy and tactics of the African National Congress

Historically both communities have played a most important part in the stimulation and intensification of the struggle for freedom. Closing session Conference Committees For purposes of facilitating the work of Conference the following committees were set up:. In a way, the decision taken in was, historically speaking, in the tradition of the earlier armed resistance to the entrenchment of the foreigner. Also the issue cobference be looked at in the context of guerrillas, who are armed and operate in the terrain.

Comrade Mzala wanted to know why we have so many casualties inside the country. The role patriotic chiefs could play and those elements not fully committed to the regime was emphasised. There has never been a moment in the history of South Africa since in which the White ruling class would resolutilns given privileges without a physical battle. Guerrilla warfare almost by definition presents a situation in which there is a vast imbalance of material and military resources between the opposing sides.

We need more representatives.

By and large the leadership of the Movement 3 devolves on our shoulders. We in South Africa are part of the zone in which national liberation is the chief content of the struggle. It is therefore a fundamental feature of our conferece that victory must embrace more than formal political democracy. The argument that the problems of the Health Department are problems of growth is not acceptable.


What is the main content of the struggle for liberation and, flowing from this, which is the main revolutionary force and who are its potential allies and supporters? For this we thank our Regional Preparatory Committees. The organisation and mobilisation of women should be linked up with the national liberation movement and trade unions.

The enormous material power of the enemy and by contrast the material weakness of the people was to them no more than a temporary impediment.

This approach is not a pandering chauvinism, to racialism or other such backward attitudes. This period witnessed the emergence and development of the primary organisation of the liberation movement – The African National Congress. But the events in South Africa in the previous decade and what was happening on the continent confirmed that conquest of power by the people was a realisable goal in our lifetime.

By economic bribes and legal artifices which preserve for him the top layers of skills and wage income, the White worker is successfully mobilised as one of racialism’s most reliable contingents. Thus the first formal step of independence has been largely won in Africa and this fact exercises a big influence on the developments in our country.

The Sixth Comintern proposed a political programme that sought to develop and strengthen the fight against all the customs, laws and regulations which discriminated against the native and coloured populations in favour of whites. Is there a special role for the working class in our national struggle?

This perspective of a speedy progression from formal liberation to genuine and lasting emancipation is made more real by the existence in our country of a large and growing working class whose class consciousness complements national consciousness.